Leiter Reports: A Philosophy Blog

News and views about philosophy, the academic profession, academic freedom, intellectual culture, and other topics. The world’s most popular philosophy blog, since 2003.

  1. Mark's avatar

    Sorry to keep beating a dead horse, but something just occurred to me that I haven’t seen anyone discuss. Why…

  2. Wynship W. Hillier, M.S.'s avatar

    I first met Professor Hoy when I returned to UC Santa Cruz in Fall of ’92 to finish my undergraduate…

  3. Justin Fisher's avatar

    To be worth using, a detector needs not only (A) not get very many false positives, but also (B) get…

  4. Mark's avatar

    Everything you say is true, but what is the alternative? I don’t think people are advocating a return to in-class…

  5. Deirdre Anne's avatar
  6. Texan's avatar

    LLMs have been nothing but baleful for the humanities, and they’ve appeared at a time that amounts to kicking humanities…

  7. Keith Douglas's avatar

    Cyber security professional here -reliably determining when a computational artifact (file, etc.) was created is *hard*. This is sorta why…

Academic Bill of Rights in Florida

Philosopher Kirk Ludwig at the University of Florida at Gainesville writes in regarding the particularly pernicious version of the "Academic Bill of Rights" making its way through the Florida legislature, and raises some issues on which we have remarked previously:

This is a link to the text of HB 837, titled ‘Student and Faculty Academic Freedom in Postsecondary Education’, filed by Dennis Baxley in the Florida House of Representatives:

http://www.myfloridahouse.gov/loadDoc.aspx?FileName=_h0837__.doc&DocumentType=Bill&BillNumber=0837&Session=2005

The parent page has a link to the staff analysis:

http://www.myfloridahouse.gov/bills_detail.aspx?Id=16495&

I’d be curious to hear the opinion of people more knowledgeable about the law than I am about the potential ramifications of this bill.

There are three central themes which look problematic. Here are some relevant sections:

(a) Section 1002.21 reads:

As detailed in s. 1004.09, students have rights to a learning environment in which they have access to a broad range of serious scholarly opinion, to be graded without discrimination on the basis of their political or religious beliefs, and to a viewpoint-neutral distribution of student funds.

(b) Section 1004.09 (1) reads:

Students have a right to expect a learning environment in which they will have access to a broad range of serious scholarly opinion pertaining to the subject they study. In the humanities, the social sciences, and the arts, the fostering of a plurality of serious scholarly methodologies and perspectives should be a significant institutional purpose.

(c) Section 1004.09 (3) reads:

Students have a right to expect that their academic freedom and the quality of their education will not be infringed upon by instructors who persistently introduce controversial matter into the classroom or coursework that has no relation to the subject of study and serves no legitimate purpose.

(d) Section 1004.09 (5) reads:

Students have a right to expect that their academic institutions will distribute student fee funds on a viewpoint-neutral basis and will maintain a posture of neutrality with respect to substantive political and religious disagreements, difference, and opinions.

The three themes are:

[1] (i) Students should have access to a broad range of serious scholarly opinion and (ii) institutions should promote a plurality of serious scholarly methodologies and perspectives in the humanities and social sciences and arts.

[2] (i) Student funds should be distributed on a viewpoint neutral basis and (ii) the institution should maintain a posture of neutrality on substantive political and religious disagreements, etc.

[3] Instructors should not (i) persistently introduce (ii) controversial material that has (iii) no relation to the subject of study and (iv) serves no legitimate purpose.

[1](i) appears to threaten to shift a matter internal to the various academic disciplines, what counts as serious scholarly opinion, into the courts. Further, it is unclear what is to count as access (is a good library enough?), and on one way of reading it it might require universities to have representatives of every position in a discipline, potentially on any topic in a discipline, on the faculty. [1](ii), the requirement that institutions promote a plurality of serious scholarly methodologies and perspectives, is oddly limited to the humanities, social sciences and arts. Further, it is unclear what is to count as a difference in perspective or methodology. If this is taken to refer to different views about the foundations of the field, then this injunction is likely to have a false presupposition for many fields. If it is taken to be something more like, say, different views on de re modality, then it would not be workable if promoting different perspectives meant hiring people with different views.

[2](i) appears problematic because it looks to have the potential to protect morally reprehensible student organizations, those that, for example, promote hate speech, terrorism, violence against minorities and women, etc. [2](ii) looks problematic, depending on how ‘maintain a posture of neutrality’ is understood, because views involved in substantive political and religious disagreements are not immune to being both poorly founded and in conflict with all serious scholarly opinion.

In the case of [3], everyone can agree that persistently introducing material that has no relation to the subject of study and serves no legitimate purpose is bad pedagogy, whether it is controversial or not.

The inclusion of (ii) appears to be purely rhetorical. It is unclear that this clause, though it has received some attention in discussions of the bill, would have much affect at all. But perhaps there is a potential harm just in the suggestion that bad pedagogy is a matter about which students might potentially sue, and perhaps there is also here a invitation to frivolous or malicious or politically motivated lawsuits.

Meanwhile, a graduate student at a state university in Florida writes with similar concerns:

As a grad student and instructor of philosophy in Florida, I am obviously terrified (not to mention dumb-founded!) by what is going on with our own version of the orwellian "academic bill of rights." I also get the feeling that TA’s, instructors, adjuncts, and other non-tenure track teachers will be particularly vulnerable to the law suits which would likely ensue if this disgraceful bill is passed. On the one hand, we are much more likely to lack the financial resources–both university-wide and personal–to properly defend ourselves from "frivolous lawsuits" (to borrow a phrase from the right!). On the other hand, I think that students are often more likely to take offense when TA’s and instructors challenge their views since we are often close to the same age. In any event, I am thinking of making the following announcement on the first day of class–indeed, I even debated having the students sign it! And while I may likely get in trouble by my higher-ups (both in the department as well as in the College of Arts and Sciences) I am unsure how else to ensure that a disgruntled student does not (try to) ruin my life. I thought that perhaps you might be willing to start a dialogue on your blog concerning the appropriateness of my approach (not to mention its legal standing–can I even ask students to waive their "right" to sue in this manner?) I want to make sure I don’t end up being some guinea pig for the religious right’s attempt to de-intellectualize the universities of this great nation–but at the same time, I don’t want to make too many waves either since I am currently on the job market! Any advice from you (and your readers) would be greatly appreciated:

Dear Students,

As some of you may already know, the Florida legislature is currently considering an "academic freedom" bill (HB 837). The bill’s sponsor (R) Rep. Dennis Baxley claims that the bill is intended to provide what he perceives to be a much-needed counterweight to the "bastions of liberal thought" that purportedly plague Florida universities where professors allegedly misuse their "platform to indoctrinate the next generation with their views." If the bill is passed it would among other things give students who do not feel that their beliefs have been properly respected the legal standing to sue their professors.

Now is not the appropriate time to discuss what I take to be the general merits (or lack thereof) of either the bill or Rep. Baxley’s views. I nevertheless believe that it is especially important for me in light of this bill to discuss my own personal views about my expectations for this class. As a philosophy class, all students will be strongly encouraged to express their views about the topics we will be examining during the course of the semester (e.g., the existence of God, free will, the limits of human knowledge, and moral responsibility). Indeed, going back at least to Socrates, open dialogue has been an essential element of doing philosophy–an element that I will try to foster during the course of this semester. However, discussion often goes hand-in-hand with critical evaluation. So, while everyone–regardless of race, gender, religion, nationality, sexual preference, political affiliation, or ideological orientation—is welcome to express their personal opinions about the topics we examine, these opinions will be open to criticism.

Just as we will be reading and critically evaluating philosophical theories, so we will occasionally end up critically evaluating one another’s views about these theories. Hence, you should not say things in class that you do not want to be subjected to critical evaluation either by me or your fellow students. And while I will try to the best of my abilities to insure at all times that class discussions are civil, I refuse to be held legally responsible for the critical evaluation of beliefs you choose to share with the class. The classroom is a public forum a forum I hope each of you will use to test the limits of your own beliefs and ideologies. I am not interested in changing any of your minds about the topics we discuss but I am nevertheless interested in opening your minds to alternative ways of thinking about some of the perennial problems in philosophy. On both exams and papers, you will never be held responsible for the beliefs you happen to hold rather you will be graded solely based on whether or not you have mastered the course material (e.g., I don’t care whether you believe in free will, but you will be required to explain the various theories of free will we discuss). The goal of this course is never to ridicule or persecute any particular beliefs or theories rather, it is to carefully consider arguments for and against the beliefs and theories we discuss. During the course of this semester, we will be discussing matters that will personally resonate with a number of you. If you are either unwilling or unable to listen to or participate in discussions concerning these issues (which are spelled out on the syllabus), then you are in the wrong class. Consequently, I will assume that by choosing to remain in this class, you thereby forfeit your right to sue me so long as I live up to my end of the bargain i.e., so long as I provide a forum where all of the ideas and opinions expressed in class are given fair treatment.

Some of the things I say here are also contained in the syllabus–but I thought that perhaps something more explicit was in order. And while I don’t want to be overly paranoid, given the recent climate in this country–it would perhaps be irrational not to harbor serious doubts about what might happen if this bill is passed.

I have opened comments here, and invite thoughts and responses, especially from those conversant with the legal issues.  No anonymous postings, of course.

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

11 responses to “Academic Bill of Rights in Florida”

  1. I am writing from outside the U.S. I think it is noteworthy that if these bills are successful then U.S. grad programs may become less attractive for international students. I am unsure as to whether students would use the legislation. However, it certainly is one factor in my considerations as to whether to take a place in a U.S university after I have finished my masters. The thought of having to approach my first foray into teaching with the worry of being sued for challenging students is rather unattractive. Not only that but, unlike the sentiment expressed in the Florida grad student's disclaimer, I do not see it as obvious that a teacher should not be concerned with changing the beliefs of his/her students. It seems quite important that through studying philosophy a person may rescind their commitment to some religious doctrine or political ideology etc and a shame that American universities may be shaped so as to prevent such a possibility.

  2. In a way, the pressure to bring conservatives into academia could be viewed as a golden opportunity.

    Rather than pooh-pooh the academic bill of rights, academics should start making market-based efficiency arguments for improving the salaries of professors. One could argue, for instance, that the interests of conservatives are more poorly represented in academia not because of some top-down liberalist bias, but because of bottom-up market incentives. It may well be the case that conservative talents are underrepresented in academia because talented conservatives can find well-paying opportunities elsewhere. Since this is so, one should expressly not push for sloppy bureaucratic interventions like the Academic Bill of Rights, but for better paying tenure-track positions.

    On this logic, and knowing something about the disposition of conservatives, conservatives around the United States should embrace higher salaries for academics, better state funding of universities, and more robust benefits. Indeed, not only will this help to entice the best and brightest conservatives to join diverse expert faculties, but it will improve competition for much-vaunted academic slots in a field that is commonly (though falsely) criticized for being insular and rigid, and it will improve the quality of the education for undergraduates. Indeed, it is precisely such logic that justifies (!) stratosphere-penetrating CEO salaries.

    Why not turn this bitter sentiment into lemonade?

  3. To the Florida grad student: I can offer some legal advice to you, even against my better judgment since when I don't charge for legal advice people usually do not take me seriously.

    My legal advice is: do not do this. (1) Your letter can be read as a unilateral attempt to take away your students' right to sue you, a right that exists even now prior to the enactment of the statute. (2) You are teaching in a field where some things are un-problematic, such as the basic rules of deductive logic (and not, for example, refinements such as whether three-valued deductive logic is valid). If a student writes an illogical exam and then, when graded down, claims that he believes in Supernatural Logic and not Deductive Logic, he can cite your own speech against you. (3) Along with the point just made, you SHOULD be interested in changing your student's mind about Supernatural Logic and you should not preclude yourself from doing so in your speech. (4) You are opening yourself up to disruptive students who say irrelevant things and claim a right to say them because they believe them and because they welcome critical discussion about them. Here you are actually helped by the Florida statute which says "persistently introduce controversial matter into the classroom or coursework that has no relation to the subject of study and serves no legitimate purpose." Although the statute applies this to instructors, a correlative duty can be inferred that bars students from persistently introducing controversial matter that has no relation to the course.

    Bottom line: Don't change how you teach. The time to stand up boldly for academic freedom is if you are ever sued. And if you are sued, your defense should be the inclusiveness of philosophy as a subject matter and its relation through the ages to the development of rational thought. What you don't want is for the plaintiff to submit to the jury a copy of your announcement to the class and, by selective quotations, convince the jury that you are the very type of unrestrained instructor that the Florida statute was intended to target.

  4. To the Florida grad student: I can offer some legal advice to you, even against my better judgment since when I don't charge for legal advice people usually do not take me seriously.

    My legal advice is: do not do this. (1) Your letter can be read as a unilateral attempt to take away your students' right to sue you, a right that exists even now prior to the enactment of the statute. (2) You are teaching in a field where some things are un-problematic, such as the basic rules of deductive logic (and not, for example, refinements such as whether three-valued deductive logic is valid). If a student writes an illogical exam and then, when graded down, claims that he believes in Supernatural Logic and not Deductive Logic, he can cite your own speech against you. (3) Along with the point just made, you SHOULD be interested in changing your student's mind about Supernatural Logic and you should not preclude yourself from doing so in your speech. (4) You are opening yourself up to disruptive students who say irrelevant things and claim a right to say them because they believe them and because they welcome critical discussion about them. Here you are actually helped by the Florida statute which says "persistently introduce controversial matter into the classroom or coursework that has no relation to the subject of study and serves no legitimate purpose." Although the statute applies this to instructors, a correlative duty can be inferred that bars students from persistently introducing controversial matter that has no relation to the course.

    Bottom line: Don't change how you teach. The time to stand up boldly for academic freedom is if you are ever sued. And if you are sued, your defense should be the inclusiveness of philosophy as a subject matter and its relation through the ages to the development of rational thought. What you don't want is for the plaintiff to submit to the jury a copy of your announcement to the class and, by selective quotations, convince the jury that you are the very type of unrestrained instructor that the Florida statute was intended to target.

  5. I don't subscribe to the note by the TA. For one thing, if I were to read it as a naive undergrad, it would have a very chilling effect on my participation. Just teach, and let the fundies (to paraphrase the Duke of Wellington): Sue, and be damned.

    On a further note, Eugenie Scott and Glen Branch of NCSE identify three common memes common to creatonists of all stripe: (1) Evolution isn't real science (2) it's incompatible with religion (3) it's only fair to teach both sides. Note how the bill would allow challenges to evolutionary biology by those who parrot meme (1). We hear from the Wedgies that evolutionary biology is not a science but a belief system. So the exemption of the sciences is disingenuous at best.

    Finally, is it possible that this bill would be deemed at all constitutional, since it effectively amounts to government-prescribed speech?

    Frank Schmidt
    Biochemistry
    Missouri

  6. Perhaps we can get the AAUP to make a statement to the effect that, if this bill is passed, it will strongly discourage its members from taking jobs in Florida.

  7. If this is indeed how you teach your class I doubt (though am by no means an expert) that you have much to worry about. After all this describes pretty much any philosophy class and the courts are probably unlikely to rule that the discipline of philosophy violates this law.

    I tend to think the people who should really be concerned are climate scientists, biologists, the various ethnic/gender studies professors and people teach history or political science on controversial issues. It is in these sort of classes that a student is likely to have fundamental objections which aren't or can't be addressed by the professor.

    For instance what do you do if you are teaching a course on global warming and some student insists on bringing up discredited rebutals? If you don't waste time on scientificly uncredible accounts you seem liable to be sued.

    In short I expect this law, if it passes, to have a slow ramp up period where cases of the most extreme kind are brought first. So in some sense you can use these profs in more at risk areas as canaries in a mine. When they start changing their teaching style run for the hills.

    Of course this probably doesn't offer much consolation for someone afraid a random student might just try and settle a grudge with a lawsuit. However, I don't see much you can do to avoid that sort of thing other than teach responsibly.

  8. Mark van Roojen

    Anthony D'Amato's free legal advice about the announcement offered above is well-taken. You don't protect yourself in any way by making such a declaration before starting the semester and you just invite criticism by getting defensive before hand. I'm not a lawyer, but it seems relatively obvious that a person cannot avoid being subject to a (very bad in this case) law by declaring that it doesn't apply. That does not mean you might not have other protections, just that this declaration won't add any.

    Related to this, though, I have a question for the lawyers reading this. My guess is that the law as applied to private schools would be unconstitutional, since it regulates free speech. I'm not as confident that that could be argued in a public school setting where the legislature might well have some oversight function. Am I right about private schools and what would the argument be about public schools (such as the one I teach at)?

  9. The preamble includes the following exclusion:

    WHEREAS, the principles enumerated in this act fully apply only to public postsecondary institutions, and nothing in this act shall be construed as interfering with the right of a private postsecondary institution to restrict academic freedom on the basis of creed or belief, and …

    Thus, it would apply only to public postsecondary institutions in Florida.

  10. Phill Hallam-Baker

    It seems to me that it would be very difficult to claim that only the TA and instructor are liable in this situation. The state universities are inevitably going to be dragged into the lawsuits and there will be a huge liability in legal expenses.

    Even if the bill says that the university is immune, that will not stop the defendants attaching the university to the suit as a co-defendant under a variety of imaginative legal theories.

    Even if the bill says that the university cannot pay the legal bills of the profs concerned, every prof is going to be forced to buy liability insurance and that cost will be passed on to their employer in exactly the same way that every other insurance cost is passed on.

    The way to defeat this bill is to start circulating estimates of the likely cost to the university system. The profs should demand a raise to cover the cost of the necessary insurance. This will easily run to the tens of millions of dollars since the first year premiums will be impossible to calculate accurately and will be very high. What does $10 million of professional indemnity insurance cost in Florida? How many profs and TAs are there?

    Start adding a sizable price tag to this scheme and it will go away.

  11. From the staff analysis (to which Brian provides the link in his post above):

    1. Implementing the bill's requirements will cost the state $4.2 million per year based on hiring 39 additional lawyers — one for each of the State's 39 public education institutions affected by the bill.

    2. The first constitutional challenge to the bill, the analysis guesses, would likely come from a professor asserting the First Ammendment right NOT to be compelled to express viewpoints other than his or her own.

    3. The bill may be found unconstitutional on, of all things, collective bargining grounds due to the way Florida funds its universities and provisions in its State Constitution.

    4. It notes that some student groups might lose their funding. (I'm not sure why, maybe to pay for the new leagal staff.)

    And perhaps the best line in the staff analysis:

    5. Teachers and not the courts should decide what classroom instruction should include.

    If passed the bill becomes effective on July 1, 2005. Baxley's committee/council will consider the bill again on April 18.

Designed with WordPress